En el s. II D.C., San
Ireneo escribió su famoso libro Adversus hareses, contra las herejías
gnósticas de su tiempo. De allí el título de este artículo, pero no porque haya
analogías entre Antonella Marty y San Ireneo y Milei y el gnosticismo por el
otro.
El artículo de
Antonella fue publicado en https://reason.com/2024/03/27/is-javier-milei-making-argentina-great-again/
Mi primera impresión es que es un artículo que
merece ser debatido. Lo vamos a ir haciendo punto por punto. Los párrafos del
artículo citado van a ir en itálicas.
In January, Argentine President Javier Milei went to
Davos, Switzerland, to lecture the rich and powerful about the miracles of
capitalism. During his speech at the World Economic Forum, Milei explained to
his audience that entrepreneurs are heroes, socialism leads to corruption, and
private property is the key to prosperity.
In his address, he referenced Israel Kirzner, an
Austrian-school economist and disciple of Ludwig von Mises, who is far
outside the intellectual mainstream. He even named his cloned dogs after iconic free market economists Murray
Rothbard, Milton Friedman, and Robert Lucas Jr. Many libertarians have been
thrilled to hear their ideas articulated so eloquently by the leader of South
America's second-largest nation, sparking widespread enthusiasm.
I'm less enthusiastic.
Me too.
Born and raised in Argentina, I joined the liberty
movement at 17. I delved into the writings of Friedrich Hayek, Ayn Rand, and
Mises and marveled at how their insights accurately described my experience
living under the big government of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who was
president for most of my adolescence. This led me to devote my career to
advocating for the ideas of liberty because I believe they're the best path to
prosperity and human flourishing.
To me, Javier Milei poses a threat both to Argentina
and to the global liberty movement. I see him as a self-obsessed populist with a savior complex who gratifies libertarians
by echoing their ideas.
Aquí Antonella adhiere a
la extendida teoría, entre muchos analistas políticos, de presentar a Milei
como un populista de derecha. Esto es, un líder que, bajo el ala de una
supuesta economía de mercado por un lado, por el otro basa su poder político en
un apoyo popular “contra” los malos, esto es, los políticos de siempre,
concentrados en el poder legislativo. Y sí, en el caso de Milei, fue así.
Hubiera sido deseable un estadista liberal clásico que respetara el espíritu
republicano y tuviera vocación de unión, no de división, pero en ese caso
habría que ver si hubiera sido votado, y ese es parte del problema.
Yet his actions contradict his words: He raises taxes,
escalates the drug war, restricts social freedoms, threatens his political opponents, and appoints political
hacks from previous corrupt administrations to positions of power.
Si, en general es así.
No sé si es verdad que restringe las libertades, salvo que Antonella tenga in
mente al “derecho al aborto” (tema que veremos después), pero todo lo demás es
así. Es más, además controla el tipo de cambio y está tomando deuda externa.
Milei, known for touting anti-drug policies,
appointed Patricia
Bullrich as his security minister, a
role she previously served under former President Mauricio Macri. Bullrich
recently praised El Salvador President Nayib Bukele for his
tactics in reducing gang-related crimes, saying she wanted to imitate his
measures in Argentina. While Bukele's policies have significantly reduced El
Salvador's crime rate, they have also resulted in the arrest of
approximately 1 percent of the population, including numerous instances
of wrongful arrests and also destroying the rule of law. This heavy-handed
strategy in El Salvador has led to a widespread erosion of basic constitutional
freedoms.
Es verdad. No solo Milei
sino varios liberales argentinos están elogiando a Bukele. Nuevamente, la
violación de ciertas libertades individuales básicas parece ser un buen precio
a pagar por razones de seguridad, lo mismo que la violación del debido proceso.
Ya lo hizo en su momento otra generación de liberales cuando apoyaron a Videla.
Videla confesó al final de su vida que el Ejército había tomado esa decisión
por el asesinato del Juez Quiroga, cosa que los convenció de ir por fuera de la
legalidad; legalidad que, sin embargo, había sido la política de Lanusse y la
Cámara Federal en lo Penal. Retrospectivamente, fue un error gravísimo, pero al
parecer ciertos liberales no aprenden de la Historia ni de su propia doctrina,
donde el Estado de Derecho y el debido proceso son valores esenciales. Así
procedió España contra la ETA e Italia contra las Brigadas Rojas. Algunos dicen
que eso no se puede, o que no se puede aquí, con argumentos consecuencialistas
versus el deontologismo que estoy planteando. Ok, pero en ese caso, ¿por qué se
llaman liberales? Llámense conservadores, o lo que fuere, pero citar a toda la
tradición liberal clásica me parece una contradicción. Mucho más si se cita al
anarcocapitalismo norteamericano, cuya frontal oposición a la política de
seguridad de G. Bush (h) y a la Patriot Act es clara y distinta.
Bullrich regularly shares updates on social media of
drug raids, including videos of herself incinerating seized marijuana. "We are cornering drugs and drug trafficking,
" Milei said recently. "We won't concede even a
millimeter."
Some argue that fixing Argentina's economy is what
really matters in a country facing nearly 300 percent annual inflation. But crime and insecurity also hinder Argentina's
economic progress. Violent family-run
narco gangs dominate the drug trade,
especially in cities like Rosario, where the homicide rate nearly doubled from 2010 to 2020. While the president's
anti-drug campaigns make for some attention-grabbing social media
posts, they only make the drug
trade more violent and deadly.
Con el tema de la droga
Antonella tiene razón, la solución de fondo es despenalizar su comercialización
y consumo. Pero, como tantas cosas en Argentina, eso sería escandaloso para
gran parte de casi toda la población, sobre todo la más intelectual. Y no se
puede hacer de golpe. Entre tanto, ¿qué hacer? Un asesinato debe ser reprimido
por las fuerzas de seguridad y penado como corresponde, mientras buscamos la
solución de fondo. Para eso hay que profesionalizar las fuerzas de seguridad y
enseñarles a combatir el crimen dentro de la ley, cosa que tampoco es rápida.
Milton Friedman famously helped end the U.S. military draft. But Milei's minister of
defense, Luis Petri, doesn't share the Nobel laureate's dim view of compulsory
military service. Petri said in a recent interview that Milei's administration was
"considering" reinstating the draft. Vice President Victoria
Villarruel echoed this sentiment, suggesting that the absence of compulsory military service
is "making later generations of men (and women) crybabies."
Sí, es verdad. Es
notable la ingenuidad de muchos que suponen que un servicio militar obligatorio
podría ser educativo, aunque tal vez es coherente con una casi total mayoría
que considera que el Estado debe imponer la educación obligatoria. Nuevamente, si
eres conservador, ok, pero afirmar eso en nombre de las ideas libertarias, es
contradictorio.
Milei's worldview is infused with mysticism and
messianic symbolism. He refers to himself as an "alpha lion," often
starting his speeches by saying, "Hello everyone, I am the
lion." He compares himself to Napoleon Bonaparte. A
self-aggrandizing ruler who boasts of his capacity to fix society if granted
the necessary power to override
procedural and legislative constraints should trigger some authoritarian alarms.
También es verdad. El
delirio mesiánico es peligrosísimo; creerse un enviado de Dios es la antesala
de infierno. La época de los grandes profetas del Antiguo Testamento ha pasado,
y además ellos advertían contra los gobernantes en vez de pretender ser uno de
ellos. Por lo demás, cualquier católico formado en el Vaticano II y en la
filosofía política de Ratzinger conoce claramente el valor de la sana laicidad
del Estado a diferencia de religiones integristas que creen que la autoridad
política puede tener un fundamento divino. Un
grave error de formación de Javier Milei.
Milei dubbed the "troll
president," craves adoration in ways
reminiscent of Latin America's infamous leftwing autocrats, such as Fidel
Castro and Hugo Chávez. He surrounds himself with sycophants and loyal
supporters, including personalities such as influencer and writer Agustín Laje and other high-profile influencers and paid
trolls. This entourage helps Milei mock his enemies, refine his personal brand, and
galvanize support among libertarians in the U.S. Milei's circle of followers
reminds me of "La Cámpora," a youth group that championed Kirchnerism's political
aims. But Milei's bullies are more radical and more violent.
La comparación con
Castro y etc. es no sólo exagerada sino también injusta, igual que la
referencia a Agustín Laje, con quien se podrán tener diferencias, pero rebajarlo a un mero troll de Milei es
decididamente falso. Pero lo demás es
verdad. Tener un ejército de trolls encargados de insultar y denigrar a todo el
que piense diferente es un grave acto de autoritarismo cultural
Milei is a publicity genius, and like Bukele and
Chávez, he's obsessed with his image. He likes over
a thousand tweets a day (mostly from his adoring followers), retweeting
accolades and insults about his "enemies." He loves outrage. On one occasion, Milei once said that "the State is like a pedophile in a
kindergarten with children chained up and covered in Vaseline."
Idem. Aunque cabe
reconocer que muchos libertarios norteamericanos dirían lo mismo del Estado
norteamericano y no creo que Antonella se escandalice por ello.
Both former President Donald Trump and Milei are known
for their tendency to appeal to emotions and cast societal divides in terms of
"the people" vs. "the elites" or "us" vs.
"them." This approach, known as populism, undermines institutions and
amplifies the power of the state in ways that should be alarming, regardless of
whether it comes from the political left or right. In The Road to Serfdom,
Hayek wrote, "the contrasts between the 'we' and the 'they,'
the common fight against those outside the group, seems to be an essential
ingredient in any creed which will solidly knit together a group for common
action." Populism works as a pendulum, suggesting that Milei's actions
could provoke a counteraction from the opposite side of the spectrum once his
term concludes.
Lo que decíamos antes.
Ok. Aunque la comparación con Trump es más difícil. Es verdad lo de su estilo y
su política de enfrentamiento. Pero Trump no decía ser libertario, no citaba a
la escuela Austríaca y, además, en su caso el nacionalismo era más complejo.
Con su presidencia colaboraron también conservadores norteamericanos cuya idea
de “Nación” era volver al pacto constitucional originario de los EEUU y su
Declaración de Independencia. Ello no era populismo, era liberalismo clásico.
Por lo demás, creo que las circunstancias históricas del libro de Hayek, en el
45, eran muy diferentes.
Milei has turned on former allies who question his
authority. Ricardo López Murphy, a respected figure within classical liberal
circles and former mentor to Milei, declined to support Milei in the primaries
over concerns about his populist tendencies. Last month, he criticized Murphy, labeling him "a scumbag" and a
"traitor to the
ideas [of freedom]." López
Murphy responded, "The Milei experience has nothing to do with
[classical] liberals."
Ello fue, en verdad, gravísimo. ¿Cómo puede ser que los liberales presentes en el mismo momento de
los insultos a Lopez Murphy no reaccionaran en defensa de su dignidad? Ese fue
un caso de la regla general: los insultos, las agresiones, apoyadas en masa por
la mayoría de los liberales argentinos, evidenciando con ello una grave
decadencia cultural. ¿Así que cuando insultaban Hebe de Bonafini o Cristina
Kirchner estaba mal o cuando lo hace Milei está bien? Una grave, grave
decadencia cultural y moral, cuya inadvertencia es aún peor.
Although Milei enjoys broad support among American
libertarians, several Argentine classical liberals perceive him as a
continuation of the country's previous administrations. Economist Roberto
Cachanosky compared Milei's approach to Kirchnerism. "I say
this because I know him personally," Cachanosky said. "He doesn't
tolerate an opinion different from his own."
Economist Diego Giacomini, who co-authored four books
with Milei, has become one of his most vocal critics. He describes Milei as a conservative populist
"stand[ing] in opposition to the Austrian school [of economics], the most
liberal school of thought of all, to which I belong and to which Javier Milei
once belonged."
After a dispute between the province of Chubut and the
National Government, Milei tweeted the AI-generated image depicting Gov. Ignacio Torres with Down
syndrome. The incident was reminiscent of when Donald Trump mocked a
disabled reporter at a
campaign rally. Milei has said he's "naturally aligned with Donald
Trump." When Milei met Trump at the Conservative Political Action Conference
(CPAC) in February, he greeted him with a bear hug. Milei promised to
"Make Argentina Great Again," and in a video, he told Trump, "You were a great president, and I
hope you will be again."
Milei has a politician's knack for adopting positions
that will attract a broader support base. During a visit to Israel, he identified himself as Jewish. Yet when he went to the
Vatican to meet with the pope, he
said he was a "Catholic, Evangelical, and also
practices a bit of Judaism." This came after previous statements where
Milei described the pope as the "person who represents evil
on earth and occupies the throne of God."
Bueno, más de lo mismo.
Antonella hace una especie de raconto de las peleas de Milei. Más allá de los
dimes y diretes, o quién comenzó primero o yo no fui, fue él, etc., un
verdadero estadista tiene que estar por encima de esas rencillas infantiles.
Milei embodied a common trait among Latin American
politicians: a tendency towards nepotism, entrusting state resources and
government positions to unelected individuals based on family connections.
Milei appointed his sister Karina as general secretary of the
presidency, effectively making her his top adviser. He calls her "the
boss." The practice echoes throughout the region: Nicaraguan dictator
Daniel Ortega famously referred to his wife as the "co-president of the Republic," while Bukele's
brothers serve as his principal advisors in El Salvador. Fidel
Castro's successor as Cuba's dictator was his brother Raúl, who had been the
most senior member of his administration.
De vuelta, creo que esas
comparaciones son exageradas, pero cabe reconocer que la elevación de su
hermana al rango sociológico de un primer-ministro-vice-presidente es
síntoma de un problema psicológico que no se debería haber trasladado al ámbito
político.
Milei has compared his sister to Moses, characterizing himself as a conduit for her vision. "Moses
was a great leader but wasn't good at spreading the word. So, God sent Orion to
spread the word. 'Kari' is Moses, and I am the one who spreads the word. I am
just a preacher." Milei's slogan is "The forces of
heaven," suggesting he may have lost
sight of the importance of maintaining a distance between church and
state.
De vuelta lo mismo. El
mesianismo político. No sólo de Rothbard vive el hombre. Una atenta lectura de Joseph Ratzinger lo hubiera
evitado.
Nepotism extends beyond Milei himself, permeating his
party. Martín Menem, president of the Lower House of Representatives and member
of Milei's party, recently appointed his 23-year-old
nephew as an advisor. Milei's
spokesperson, Manuel Adorni, hired his
brother as an advisor at the Ministry
of Defense. Additionally, Vilma Facunda Bedia, an evangelical pastor and
senator from Milei's party, recently employed eleven family members, including her three sons,
her daughter-in-law, her brother, and her sister-in-law, as political advisors.
No he seguido esos casos
de cerca, pero ojalá se dieran las aclaraciones pertinentes.
Milei recently nominated Judge Ariel Lijo to the
Supreme Court, overlooking his role in encouraging Argentina's culture of
leniency towards corrupt politicians. Lijo has a history of dismissing
high-profile cases, including dropping corruption
charges against former Vice President
Amado Boudou and clearing money
laundering charges against
former President Cristina Kirchner. He also dismissed charges against a former
intelligence chief implicated in transferring a suitcase full of cash to the
Venezuelan regime and dismissed charges in a corruption
case surrounding the state-owned
energy company YPF.
Héctor M. Guyot, a journalist for La
Nación, said that Lijo faces significant criticism from both
legal and journalistic fronts for his questionable management of critical
cases. He further accused him of working with a network of "judicial
operators" from different political parties, which include his brother
Freddy Lijo, Daniel Angelici and Scioli's former employee, and Guillermo
Scarcella.
De vuelta, lo de Lijo es
gravísimo. Milei se está comportando con esto como el típico político que él
critica. ¿No podía nombrar a Mansilla sin pagar ese precio? Entonces que no lo
pague. ¿Dónde está el límite de lo negociable? ¿Se comienza por aquí y se
termina en dónde? Nadie ignora que en política no siempre se logra el 100%; a
veces sólo se logra un mínimo porcentaje. Pero, de vuelta, la falta de
formación en filosofía moral impide a Milei distinguir entre tolerar el mal y
hacer el mal. Si no se puede impedir que el kirchnerismo nombre a un juez
corrupto, ok. Pero ser cómplice es otra cosa.
When there aren't enough family members to fill key
political positions, cronies are often next in line. The Milei administration
is no exception. Daniel Scioli, whom Milei
appointed secretary of Tourism,
Environment, and Sports, is a "caste" politician and a veteran
Peronist. Scioli has a long history in Argentine politics: He served as vice
president under Néstor Kirchner, a prominent figure in left-wing populism and
an ally of Chávez; ran for president alongside Cristina Kirchner against
Mauricio Macri; and served as minister of production under former President
Alberto Fernández.
Milei's Interior Minister Guillermo
Francos was, until recently,
executive director for Argentina at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB),
a role he was appointed to by former leftist President Fernández. Between
2000 and 2007, Francos served as the president of Aeropuertos Argentina 2000,
the company owned by long-time businessman Eduardo Eurnekian, which has a
state-granted monopoly over airport concessions throughout Argentina. Milei
also worked for Aeropuertos Argentina in 2000 until three years ago when he had
to resign to take office as a congressman.
Julián Andrés Obaid was recently appointed chairman of the Transport Security Bureau, a
position he held under Fernández. According to a report from Clarín, Milei
has appointed over forty
Peronists to important government
positions thus far.
Exacto. Esto viene el caso
de la mayoría de los integrantes del gabinete de Milei, muchos de los cuales
podrían ser perfectos funcionarios de Macri. Si este último hubiera ganado las
elecciones, ok, pero las ganó Milei prometiendo otras cosas, que tal vez supo
que no las iba a poder cumplir cuando luego de las Paso fue a pedirles a
Bullrich y a Macri el 15 % que les faltaba. Hubiera sido más digno, tal vez,
perder y ya está. Nadie niega el valor de las alianzas, pero pensadas y bien
planeadas. Así a las apuradas no funcionan. Entre paréntesis, hay muchos
excelentes liberales en Argentina que sólo Dios (el aliado de Milei) sabe por
qué no están ayudando en el gobierno.
On gender issues, Milei aligns with cultural
conservatism and right-wing ideas. When referring to his sister Karina, he uses
the male pronoun "he, the boss" as a way of signaling her dominant role. He
has banned gender-inclusive language in the government,
including in all official documents. His administration also prohibited using non-binary uniforms for police and
military officers, outlawed tattoos and painted nails, and mandated strict
uniform codes—female officers are required to wear skirts unless they are
pregnant, while male officers are forbidden from having beards. Yet despite his
conservative measures, Milei's government allocated 827 million pesos (almost $1 million) for
hormone treatment supplies for children, adolescents, and trans adults.
Milei is a pro-lifer, asserting that life begins at
conception, and has vowed to outlaw legal abortions in Argentina.
"Abortion is murder made worse by the connection between mother and
child," he said recently. In line with his views, nominated Manuel García Mansilla, a well-known critic of
abortion rights, to the high court. During his speech at
CPAC, he equated abortion to socialism,
claiming that it stems from radical environmentalist views that population
growth destroys the planet. Pro-choice libertarians would argue the debate is
about bodily autonomy and personal liberty. Last week, he tweeted, "Abortion is a murder aggravated…by the
disproportion of forces. If you are reading this post and you are one of those
who positively weigh this type of aberrations, thank your mother for not
thinking the same way."
En este tema tengo diferencias
con Antonella. Uno, está perfectamente bien que un gobierno ordene utilizar al
lenguaje Español en sus documentos oficiales. Es una opción moral correcta y
está bien que la haga. Que el Estado no deba dictar la moral privada de sus
ciudadanos no implica que no pueda hacer opciones morales en su propio ámbito.
Dos, como ya he aclarado, una cosa es derogar legislación y otra cosa es
imponer una prohibición. Con respecto al lenguaje inclusivo, derogar su uso
obligatorio en entidades privadas es correcto. Lo mismo con la ESI: una cosa es
derogar su mandato obligatorio para escuelas oficiales y privadas y otra cosa
es prohibir todo tipo de educación sexual. La opción liberal es lo primero.
Porque la derogación de los mandatos obligatorios es lo que corresponde a las
libertades individuales. Tres, sobre el aborto, bueno, viejo debate. Pero, de
vuelta, muchos liberales pro-abortistas no advierten que una cosa es una legislación
obligatoria al respecto, financiada por el Estado sin respeto a la libertad de
conciencia personal o institucional, y otra cosa es la despenalización. Para un
liberal pro-choice, lo coherente es lo segundo, no lo primero. En mi caso, yo soy un liberal
pro-vida que considera que el ser humano es tal desde el comienzo de las concepción, y eso no tiene nada contra el liberalismo clásico.
Milei is eccentric in a way that makes for a good
copy—which may be entertaining from afar but is genuinely
alarming for Argentines. What would
Americans think if President Joe Biden claimed his dog was one of his lead
advisors?
¿Biden? Ya lo hará………………….
Milei claims to
have communicated with his deceased dog, Conan, through a medium. Conan's clones—Murray,
Milton, Robert, and Lucas—are still walking the earth and doing so at taxpayer
expense, as Milei recently shared a photo of their new state-funded kennel at the
official presidential residence in Olivos.
Despite constantly citing economists such as Rothbard,
Henry Hazlitt, and Hayek, it's not clear that he has truly absorbed their work.
His books, The Way of the
Libertarian and Pandenomics, include passages directly copied and pasted from the work of those writers.
Creo que todos los argentinos
merecemos que Milei haga algunas aclaraciones al respecto. Por lo demás, los liberales
de todo el mundo están muy atentos al plagio de los de izquierda pero no al
plagio de los propios. Ya ha pasado. No sólo con Milei.
The reality is that Milei's economic policies do not
align with his rhetoric.
Es así y ese es uno de
los principales problemas. Si ibas a ser un Macri reloaded, ok, pero te
hubieras anunciado como tal.
But because he is such an effective communicator, most
of his fans haven't noticed. The same president who has impressed foreigners by
flying on commercial flights as a gesture of his frugality just signed a
decree increasing his own salary by 48 percent and then took it back in response to public
outcry.
Despite his campaign pledge to introduce no new taxes,
after he promised to
sever an arm when signing an agreement with Asociación Argentina de Contribuyentes,
live on TV, Milei proposed an income tax hike after returning from Davos,
and more recently, he expanded the number of Argentines subject to paying it.
"They are looking for the private sector to…spit out dollars,"
Giacomini said of the
move.
Esto está muy discutido
pero es uno de los problemas de los infinitos misterios de los planes de
dolarización de Milei que deberían ser más aclarados. Sería confiscatorio que
al día siguiente de recibir un sueldo en pesos nos enteremos que debemos
utilizar los dólares que teníamos como moneda de ahorro. Y si no es así, que lo aclaren mejor.
Despite calling taxes "theft," Milei
has increased the
PAIS tax, imposing a 35 percent
surcharge on foreign currency transactions. The measure, which effectively acts
as an import tax, hinders free trade and has been exacerbated by Milei's
decision to increase the exchange range. He has also raised taxes on gas and exports, including wheat (12 to 15 percent), corn (12 to 15
percent), beef (9 to 15), and flour (31 to 33 percent).
Creo que todo esto es
imposible de negar. Y es muy grave…..
Milei was elected on a promise of dollarizing the
economy, claiming it would be "super easy" to implement. He's now backtracked. And while he has proposed to privatize 41 public companies, he can't
proceed without congressional approval. While this initiative could be a
positive development in some cases, it's noteworthy that Milei has excluded the
energy company YPF and the national bank from his privatization agenda.
Estas críticas se deben
a las idas y venidas del intrincado plan de dolarización de Milei. Habiendo
leído a Hayek era muy fácil declarar la eliminación del curso forzoso y punto
terminado, mientras se baja el gasto público en serio y se limita gradualmente
la emisión monetaria.
He backtracked on a promise to
eliminate the official change rate,
which empowers the government to set the price of dollars.
Esta es una de las
contradicciones más graves. Un presidente, en nombre de la Escuela Austríaca,
mantiene el cepo cambiario. Si esos son los amigos de la escuela Austríaca,
cómo serán los enemigos. Si el temor era un alza en la demanda de dólares, pues
liberado el mercado de divisas, subirá el precio del dólar y ello implicará un
aumento en la oferta de dólares. ¿Pero cómo llego a tan extraña conclusión? Estudiando a Menger, Mises, Friedman, Hayek, Rothbard, Hazlitt, etc………………..
While Milei's dog Milton might not have encouraged him
to support a free-floating currency exchange, the economist Milton Friedman
would have advocated for it, highlighting
how a fixed exchange rate caused
Argentina's numerous currency devaluations. These controls have also contributed to the country's capital flight and broader
economic instability.
Currency controls
distort the market, reduce
competitiveness, discourage foreign investment, foster black market activity,
and contribute to inflationary pressures.
Exacto.
An alternate option would be for Argentina to embrace
bitcoin as legal tender, though that seems unlikely. Recently, the non-profit
Bitcoin Argentina criticized Milei for trying to regulate all aspects of crypto asset trading. Milei's
government, through the National Stock Commission, also created a state agency to regulate cryptocurrencies in
Argentina. Under the new regulation, entities of individuals transacting in bitcoin and
other digital assets above 27 million pesos per month are given 42 days to
enroll in the Registry of Virtual Asset Service Providers. According to the
legislation, those who fail to register "shall refrain from performing in
the country any of the activities or operations covered."
Exacto, no hay por qué
regular las crypto monedas, es un tema de mercado libre y acuerdos libres entre
las partes.
While Milei garners media praise for achieving a
government surplus, his administration has also authorized the issuance of more public debt, in contrast to
his chainsaw-wielding campaign promises.
Exacto. Eso es Macri, no
es Escuela Austríaca. Y si Macri se lo pidió, se hubiera bajado dignamente de
la contienda.
"The
chainsaw plan is coming. Tremble, you thieve politicians. You are going to stop
stealing. You are going to have to work like honest people. Keep lying to the
people, thieves," said Milei during his presidential campaign. Speaking
of plagiarism, it seems that the chainsaw was also borrowed, in this case, from U.S. Senator Rand Paul (R–Ky.).
Milei's administration garnered attention in the
American media for achieving a balanced budget marked by tax increases and
spending cuts. But it matters what you cut. Bureaucrats and rent-seekers—the
"political caste" Milei deplores—have been spared from austerity
measures. Menem recently approved a 29.5 percent increase in the salaries of congressional state
employees.
Tal cual: siempre se puede
equilibrar el presupuesto aumentando impuestos. Pero los economistas liberales
se han pasado la vida criticando semejante cosa. Y, de vuelta, economistas liberales
de todo el mundo siguen afirmando que Milei es Mises bajado del cielo…..
Milei promised to cut several government ministries
and entertained foreign audiences with a video of him yelling "¡afuera!" or "get
out!" while pulling down sticky notes with the ministries' names printed
on them. Yet his actions amounted to merely renaming them
"secretariats."
Exacto….. Parece que de eso no se habla……………
This
change has resulted in practically
zero impact on spending while
consolidating control in fewer hands, with nine large ministries replacing 18
smaller ones.
Milei says correctly that the government is broke, and
yet his administration is planning to
acquire 24 U.S. F-16 fighter jets
from the Danish government for almost $700 million—the largest military expenditure in the nation's
history, despite the fact that the country has no foreign adversaries.
Me pregunto para qué necesitamos
U.S. F-16 jets……..
Much of the cost-cutting has come from cutting
Argentina's elder care entitlement. By February, the minimum pension in
Argentina was projected to fall to a purchasing power even lower than
during the 2001 economic crisis. Nowadays, a retiree earns roughly 46 dollars
per month in a country with nearly 300 percent inflation. Vice President
Victoria Villarruel criticized Milei's actions, emphasizing the issue of
pensions and condemning the "liquefaction" of pensions: "I do not agree with
continuing to equalize everything downwards. After contributing all his life to
the pension system, I believe a pensioner should also receive a decent
retirement based on the function, the work, and the time contributed. Let's go
up instead of going down."
Argentina desperately needs market liberalization to
exit its devastating economic crisis, a situation made all the more urgent by
an inflation rate that now surpasses Venezuela. But Milei has made too many
false promises.
Exacto, ese es el problema…..
His record so
far suggests that he's a typical Latin American populist, and I worry that the
failed results of his presidency will become a symbol of a right-wing model and
could harm the liberty movement's credibility and progress.
Es muy probable que suceda.
Y eso es lo más terrible.
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